[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.The net was spread widely to include people and organizations likely, through their activities or negligence, to contribute to the spread of communism.PPR, RPPS and PPS Lewica were listed as the main targets.Military wings of these political organizations were also defined as hostile to Polish interests and were put under constant surveillance, as were all Soviet-led partisan units and unknown bands.43Antyk activities were to extend to all walks of life under occupation.Former employees in the pre-war security, intelligence and police apparatus as well as in the judiciary were to be used to obtain information about known communists.Local commanders were to ascertain whether any of the pre-war communists were still around and were to prepare lists which included their addresses.This was extended to checking all those who were in contact with those under surveillance.All signs of military activity were of great importance.The activities of Antyk extended to counteroffensives.All political and military organizations loyal to the government-in-exile were to be particularly careful not to allow communists to find out about their existence and strength.Any communist activities aimed at the AK and the Delegatura had to be reported immediately.44 To counteract the perceived growing appeal of the PPR it was decided to launch a propaganda campaign.In a number of instructions written at the same time when it was decided to create Antyk, methods of distracting attention from the apparent military successes of the communist military organizations were outlined.Each section of the Polish community was to be targeted.Information gathered as part of the anti-communist campaign was both detailed and extensive.It varied from very specific to circumstantial.An example of the Delegatura's policies of surveillance appears in a report dated 21 January 1944.Its focus was the three districts of Sochaczew, Łowicz and Skierniewice where communist bands had been particularly active.The report contained a list of all people who were suspected of being members of a communist organization or who in any way assisted the communists.One of those was described as: 'Rybak Stanisław, date of birth 20.2.1908, doctor of philosophy, professor, living at Traugutta Street No 245, working in the local authority.Famous communist activist, nominated by the PPR to become the commissar responsible for the districts, alcoholic.' Another was described thus: 'Pokuta Franciszek, living at Ks.Ziemowit Street No.6 which he owns, teacher.Arrested in April 43.Transferred to Pawiak (a notorious prison in Warsaw - author's note), released 28.7.43.Takes great care to disguise his affiliation.'In trying to define communist influence in Warsaw the Antyk list revealed great familiarity with the ways in which the PPR and GL maintained contacts.Consider this example of a note:Party literature is supplied to workers' communities in the district of Powązki by Rasikon Antoni, son of Aleksander and Agata, born 29.1.1909, living on Powązkowska No.64, flat 3, member of GL and by Mieczysław Wodyriski, son of Stanisław and Katarzyna, born 1.12.1920, living on Powązkowska 52.This literature is delivered to Pfeifer factory on Okopowa street No.72.At Powązkowska No.62 flat 2, where meetings of a section of the GL take place.45In some cases the information was not so precise, but it was no less dangerous were the information to fall into the hands of the Gestapo.Thus when commenting on a communist cell in the Hospital of the Child Jesus in Warsaw on Koszykowa Street No.78, the report described the courier as 'Mary (not her real name), medium height, age 28-32, hair fair, face oval, medium build, wears a navy blue coat, fur collar slightly faded'.46In the final tally all underground organizations knew that access to arms would give any organization an advantage over its rivals.AK had been able to make use of some pre-war stockpiles and throughout the war continued to receive further supplies through parachute drops arranged by the government-in-exile.As has been shown, this issue was a particularly sore point between the AK and BCh as well as the AK and the NSZ.The PPR, in its attempt to build up its military organizations, could only depend on supplies from the Soviet Union, and in that respect it would appear that relations between the GL and the Soviet military authorities were never clear.So much depended on the Soviet military plans and on the ability of various Polish agencies in the Soviet Union to make a case for supplying arms and ammunition to the Polish-led partisan movement in occupied territories.The ZPP which in April 1943 brought together some of the leading communists and left-wing socialists in the Soviet Union, notably Wanda Wasilewska, Hilary Mine, and Alfred Lampe, had little, if any, influence on Soviet strategic thinking.At that time Stalin appears to have agreed with suggestions put to him by a Polish general, Zygmund Berling, who had been invited for talks with the Soviet leader.During these meetings Berling successfully argued for the creation of Polish military units.In reality the issue of Poland's future was possibly still not entirely clarified.47The leadership of the ZPP did not anticipate a challenge to their authority from within the communist movement in Poland.The main thrust of its activities went in the direction of making themselves available to the Soviet authorities.They fully supported plans for the ere-ation of fighting units, which would enter Poland together with the Red Army.At the same time ZPP leaders thought that they would be allowed to form a first provisional government which, following Comintern directives for the creation of broadly-based Popular Front first administrations, would include other parties.48 Alfred Lampe made it clear in December 1943 that he and his colleagues did not believe that the PPR would be strong enough to implement a radical programme in post-war Poland [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
zanotowane.pl doc.pisz.pl pdf.pisz.pl milosnikstop.keep.pl
.The net was spread widely to include people and organizations likely, through their activities or negligence, to contribute to the spread of communism.PPR, RPPS and PPS Lewica were listed as the main targets.Military wings of these political organizations were also defined as hostile to Polish interests and were put under constant surveillance, as were all Soviet-led partisan units and unknown bands.43Antyk activities were to extend to all walks of life under occupation.Former employees in the pre-war security, intelligence and police apparatus as well as in the judiciary were to be used to obtain information about known communists.Local commanders were to ascertain whether any of the pre-war communists were still around and were to prepare lists which included their addresses.This was extended to checking all those who were in contact with those under surveillance.All signs of military activity were of great importance.The activities of Antyk extended to counteroffensives.All political and military organizations loyal to the government-in-exile were to be particularly careful not to allow communists to find out about their existence and strength.Any communist activities aimed at the AK and the Delegatura had to be reported immediately.44 To counteract the perceived growing appeal of the PPR it was decided to launch a propaganda campaign.In a number of instructions written at the same time when it was decided to create Antyk, methods of distracting attention from the apparent military successes of the communist military organizations were outlined.Each section of the Polish community was to be targeted.Information gathered as part of the anti-communist campaign was both detailed and extensive.It varied from very specific to circumstantial.An example of the Delegatura's policies of surveillance appears in a report dated 21 January 1944.Its focus was the three districts of Sochaczew, Łowicz and Skierniewice where communist bands had been particularly active.The report contained a list of all people who were suspected of being members of a communist organization or who in any way assisted the communists.One of those was described as: 'Rybak Stanisław, date of birth 20.2.1908, doctor of philosophy, professor, living at Traugutta Street No 245, working in the local authority.Famous communist activist, nominated by the PPR to become the commissar responsible for the districts, alcoholic.' Another was described thus: 'Pokuta Franciszek, living at Ks.Ziemowit Street No.6 which he owns, teacher.Arrested in April 43.Transferred to Pawiak (a notorious prison in Warsaw - author's note), released 28.7.43.Takes great care to disguise his affiliation.'In trying to define communist influence in Warsaw the Antyk list revealed great familiarity with the ways in which the PPR and GL maintained contacts.Consider this example of a note:Party literature is supplied to workers' communities in the district of Powązki by Rasikon Antoni, son of Aleksander and Agata, born 29.1.1909, living on Powązkowska No.64, flat 3, member of GL and by Mieczysław Wodyriski, son of Stanisław and Katarzyna, born 1.12.1920, living on Powązkowska 52.This literature is delivered to Pfeifer factory on Okopowa street No.72.At Powązkowska No.62 flat 2, where meetings of a section of the GL take place.45In some cases the information was not so precise, but it was no less dangerous were the information to fall into the hands of the Gestapo.Thus when commenting on a communist cell in the Hospital of the Child Jesus in Warsaw on Koszykowa Street No.78, the report described the courier as 'Mary (not her real name), medium height, age 28-32, hair fair, face oval, medium build, wears a navy blue coat, fur collar slightly faded'.46In the final tally all underground organizations knew that access to arms would give any organization an advantage over its rivals.AK had been able to make use of some pre-war stockpiles and throughout the war continued to receive further supplies through parachute drops arranged by the government-in-exile.As has been shown, this issue was a particularly sore point between the AK and BCh as well as the AK and the NSZ.The PPR, in its attempt to build up its military organizations, could only depend on supplies from the Soviet Union, and in that respect it would appear that relations between the GL and the Soviet military authorities were never clear.So much depended on the Soviet military plans and on the ability of various Polish agencies in the Soviet Union to make a case for supplying arms and ammunition to the Polish-led partisan movement in occupied territories.The ZPP which in April 1943 brought together some of the leading communists and left-wing socialists in the Soviet Union, notably Wanda Wasilewska, Hilary Mine, and Alfred Lampe, had little, if any, influence on Soviet strategic thinking.At that time Stalin appears to have agreed with suggestions put to him by a Polish general, Zygmund Berling, who had been invited for talks with the Soviet leader.During these meetings Berling successfully argued for the creation of Polish military units.In reality the issue of Poland's future was possibly still not entirely clarified.47The leadership of the ZPP did not anticipate a challenge to their authority from within the communist movement in Poland.The main thrust of its activities went in the direction of making themselves available to the Soviet authorities.They fully supported plans for the ere-ation of fighting units, which would enter Poland together with the Red Army.At the same time ZPP leaders thought that they would be allowed to form a first provisional government which, following Comintern directives for the creation of broadly-based Popular Front first administrations, would include other parties.48 Alfred Lampe made it clear in December 1943 that he and his colleagues did not believe that the PPR would be strong enough to implement a radical programme in post-war Poland [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]