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.By a tortuous process of elimination, Macedonian Slavs rejectedattempts to rule them made by Sofia, Belgrade and Athens, makingthe world at last believe they wanted Macedonia for the Macedonians.But ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in Macedonia wouldstill have to reconcile their disparate legacies from the Ottoman Empirewith the cosmopolitan idealism of Delchev and his comrades. YugoslavRepublic3The names in my primer are Croatian and Serbian, Sloveneand Macedonian, fairly distributed.As many Petars as Mitars,Djordjes as Ivans.Dubravka Ugresic, The Museum of Unconditional SurrenderTITO EFFECTIVELY ENDED THE Macedonian Question during his lifetimeby creating a separate republic of Macedonia within post-warYugoslavia.In this, the cynical Communist strongman was almostcertainly inspired by designs on Salonika and rivalry with his Russian-dominated comrades in Bulgaria, to whose Macedonian populationsand territory Yugoslavia could in this way lay a stronger claim, ratherthan by sympathy for the romantic Macedonian cause.FosteringMacedonian autonomy equally gave Tito a good rationale for ruiningthe pioneering Serbian landowners and former Royalist officers whohad settled in Macedonia during the inter-war years.He could seizetheir lands on the pretext that they belonged to Macedonian peasants,many of whom were in actual fact fervent Royalist supporters whowould subsequently be killed by Tito s regime when they revoltedagainst its oppression.During the Second World War, Tito s adoption of the principle ofself-determination for all nationalities was a factor that helped theCommunist-led guerrillas to triumph over the nationalist resistanceled by Draza Mihailovic, the Royal Yugoslav Army officer who wantedto lock Macedonia into a greater Serbia.Comintern the international Communist movement, orchestratedfrom Moscow viewed the dissatisfaction with the post-1918 political 34 MACE DONI Aset-up that was felt by large sections of the population in Macedoniaas a tool to help bring about Marxist revolution.The Yugoslav statewas seen as the creation of western imperialist forces and thedisaffection of the Croats and the Slav Macedonians was potentiallyuseful to destroy it.Comintern specifically called for an independentunited Macedonia.But it took some time for this policy to be impressedfirmly on the local parties in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece.In the inter-war Yugoslav state, the Communist Party, which grewout of the Serbian Social Democratic movement, in the beginningignored the national question.Its biggest success in the elections ofNovember 1920 was in Macedonia, Kosovo and Montenegro, thepoorest areas of Yugoslavia.In Macedonia, the communists won 36.72per cent of all votes cast, with particular support in the areas ofKumanovo, Skopje and Tikves where they garnered 44 per cent, 44.11and 45.9 per cent of the vote.1 The Red successes were probably duemainly to poverty and the lack of a viable alternative protest vote(unlike in Croatia where the Croatian Peasant Party received the poorprotest vote).The Communist Party leader in Skopje was a Serb, Dusan Cekic,who had moved there from Leskovac after the Balkan wars.He wasin favour of an autonomous Macedonia within a Balkan federation.At this stage, however, the first Yugoslav Communist Party head, FilipFilipovic, admitted that Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were differentpeople but would not accept the same for the Macedonians and theMontenegrins.Comintern s adoption of the concept of an autonomousor independent Macedonia was unpopular with many Serbs.In Bulgaria, the Comintern sought to infiltrate and split the VMRO,which claimed Macedonia for Sofia, by setting up a leftist faction, theVMRO-ob under Dimitar Vlahov.Vlahov recorded the typically high-handed Russian decision on Macedonia in 1934:Comintern itself wanted the Macedonian question considered asone of the consultations of its executive committee.One day I wasinformed that the consultation would be held.And so it was.Beforeit convened, the inner leadership of the committee had alreadyreached its stand, including the question of the Macedonian nation&it was concluded that the Macedonian nation exists.2As Hugh Poulton notes, Bulgarian mainstream political opinionsubsequently held Comintern responsible for inventing the entire ideaof the Macedonian nation.By the mid 1930s, the rise of Hitler had ledComintern to adopt a policy of Popular Fronts.Moscow for a while YUGOS L AV RE P UB L I C 35played down its previous enthusiasm in the late 1920s for advocatingthe complete break-up of Yugoslavia and independence for Croatiaand Slovenia as well as Macedonia.When Tito, himself a Croat with a Slovene mother, took over theleadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party in 1937, he argued thatMacedonia should exist within a federal Yugoslavia.In 1942, Tito had developed his position in a widely published articleentitled The National Problem in the Light of the National LiberationWar.He stated that the liberation war and the national question were inseparably joined and that the different Yugoslav nations had theright to self-determination including the right of separation , a rightthat would be invoked half a century later at the cost of 300,000 lives.During the war, Tito sent one of his trusted lieutenants, SvetozarVukmanovic, whose nom de guerre was Tempo, a leading MontenegrinCommunist and member of the Party s central committee, to generateand lead the Macedonian resistance.His Macedonian fighters madetheir first attack at the sprawling tobacco town of Prilep in October1941 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.By a tortuous process of elimination, Macedonian Slavs rejectedattempts to rule them made by Sofia, Belgrade and Athens, makingthe world at last believe they wanted Macedonia for the Macedonians.But ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in Macedonia wouldstill have to reconcile their disparate legacies from the Ottoman Empirewith the cosmopolitan idealism of Delchev and his comrades. YugoslavRepublic3The names in my primer are Croatian and Serbian, Sloveneand Macedonian, fairly distributed.As many Petars as Mitars,Djordjes as Ivans.Dubravka Ugresic, The Museum of Unconditional SurrenderTITO EFFECTIVELY ENDED THE Macedonian Question during his lifetimeby creating a separate republic of Macedonia within post-warYugoslavia.In this, the cynical Communist strongman was almostcertainly inspired by designs on Salonika and rivalry with his Russian-dominated comrades in Bulgaria, to whose Macedonian populationsand territory Yugoslavia could in this way lay a stronger claim, ratherthan by sympathy for the romantic Macedonian cause.FosteringMacedonian autonomy equally gave Tito a good rationale for ruiningthe pioneering Serbian landowners and former Royalist officers whohad settled in Macedonia during the inter-war years.He could seizetheir lands on the pretext that they belonged to Macedonian peasants,many of whom were in actual fact fervent Royalist supporters whowould subsequently be killed by Tito s regime when they revoltedagainst its oppression.During the Second World War, Tito s adoption of the principle ofself-determination for all nationalities was a factor that helped theCommunist-led guerrillas to triumph over the nationalist resistanceled by Draza Mihailovic, the Royal Yugoslav Army officer who wantedto lock Macedonia into a greater Serbia.Comintern the international Communist movement, orchestratedfrom Moscow viewed the dissatisfaction with the post-1918 political 34 MACE DONI Aset-up that was felt by large sections of the population in Macedoniaas a tool to help bring about Marxist revolution.The Yugoslav statewas seen as the creation of western imperialist forces and thedisaffection of the Croats and the Slav Macedonians was potentiallyuseful to destroy it.Comintern specifically called for an independentunited Macedonia.But it took some time for this policy to be impressedfirmly on the local parties in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece.In the inter-war Yugoslav state, the Communist Party, which grewout of the Serbian Social Democratic movement, in the beginningignored the national question.Its biggest success in the elections ofNovember 1920 was in Macedonia, Kosovo and Montenegro, thepoorest areas of Yugoslavia.In Macedonia, the communists won 36.72per cent of all votes cast, with particular support in the areas ofKumanovo, Skopje and Tikves where they garnered 44 per cent, 44.11and 45.9 per cent of the vote.1 The Red successes were probably duemainly to poverty and the lack of a viable alternative protest vote(unlike in Croatia where the Croatian Peasant Party received the poorprotest vote).The Communist Party leader in Skopje was a Serb, Dusan Cekic,who had moved there from Leskovac after the Balkan wars.He wasin favour of an autonomous Macedonia within a Balkan federation.At this stage, however, the first Yugoslav Communist Party head, FilipFilipovic, admitted that Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were differentpeople but would not accept the same for the Macedonians and theMontenegrins.Comintern s adoption of the concept of an autonomousor independent Macedonia was unpopular with many Serbs.In Bulgaria, the Comintern sought to infiltrate and split the VMRO,which claimed Macedonia for Sofia, by setting up a leftist faction, theVMRO-ob under Dimitar Vlahov.Vlahov recorded the typically high-handed Russian decision on Macedonia in 1934:Comintern itself wanted the Macedonian question considered asone of the consultations of its executive committee.One day I wasinformed that the consultation would be held.And so it was.Beforeit convened, the inner leadership of the committee had alreadyreached its stand, including the question of the Macedonian nation&it was concluded that the Macedonian nation exists.2As Hugh Poulton notes, Bulgarian mainstream political opinionsubsequently held Comintern responsible for inventing the entire ideaof the Macedonian nation.By the mid 1930s, the rise of Hitler had ledComintern to adopt a policy of Popular Fronts.Moscow for a while YUGOS L AV RE P UB L I C 35played down its previous enthusiasm in the late 1920s for advocatingthe complete break-up of Yugoslavia and independence for Croatiaand Slovenia as well as Macedonia.When Tito, himself a Croat with a Slovene mother, took over theleadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party in 1937, he argued thatMacedonia should exist within a federal Yugoslavia.In 1942, Tito had developed his position in a widely published articleentitled The National Problem in the Light of the National LiberationWar.He stated that the liberation war and the national question were inseparably joined and that the different Yugoslav nations had theright to self-determination including the right of separation , a rightthat would be invoked half a century later at the cost of 300,000 lives.During the war, Tito sent one of his trusted lieutenants, SvetozarVukmanovic, whose nom de guerre was Tempo, a leading MontenegrinCommunist and member of the Party s central committee, to generateand lead the Macedonian resistance.His Macedonian fighters madetheir first attack at the sprawling tobacco town of Prilep in October1941 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]