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.26.44Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.370 77; see also [Bèze], Hist.eccl.,I, p.911.45[Bèze], Hist.eccl., I, pp.824 5, 911.46Crouzet, Les guerriers de Dieu, I, pp.380 81.In fact, Crouzet saw the syndicate as amilestone in the evolution of Catholic activism at Toulouse, the first step in a progressionthrough ever-increasing levels of militant Catholicism that would culminate in the hege-mony of the Sainte Union after 1584.47For details of the debate, see ADHG, B 55, fo.178.CONFRONTATION AND INSURRECTION AT TOULOUSE 119Catholic militants four days earlier suggested that this bipartisanendeavour had been doomed from the start.48Needless to say the capitouls and moderate officials condemned thisdeception and blamed Catholic radicalism for the current state of confes-sional relations across the region.This argument foundered somewhattwo days later, though, when a report was presented before the parlementstating that several capitouls and much of the town guard had recentlybeen sighted attending an illegal prêche in a suburb of Toulouse.This notonly confirmed the militants suspicions, but it begged an important ques-tion for Catholics: could the capitouls be trusted to preside over thecontentious issue of validating sites of reformed worship jurisdictionhad only recently been taken out of the hands of the parlements and givento local councils by the edict of January 1562 if they and their familieswere regular attenders of these assemblies?49Sectarian tensions were now at breaking point.In April 1562, thecrown s carefully nurtured policy of conciliation and coexistence shat-tered at Toulouse.The first critical event occurred on 2 April, with theattempted appropriation of a corpse from a reformed burial service by aCatholic congregation, who wanted the body interred within the localCatholic cemetery.The confrontation soon became violent, with the townguard needed to separate the worshippers and restore order.The situationescalated during the evening, however, as several Protestants attempted toseize the Town Hall to express their grievances against Catholic intimida-tion.The authorities were only able to effect a truce by offering bothcommunities significant military concessions: perhaps not the best solu-tion for long-term stability, but for the current volatile situation it waseffective.As a result, Protestants were now allowed to maintain a secu-rity force of two hundred guards, though they were to remain unarmed,while Catholics were permitted a similar number, to be commanded byfour professional captains.50 Unfortunately, these concessions failed tosecure détente, as the four Catholic captains were unwilling to take ordersfrom the capitouls, and refused to allow their men to assist in council-sponsored searches of Catholic houses for hidden weapons.51By May 1562, the whole country was in the grip of sectarian conflict.At Toulouse, further contestation flared between the faiths at the decisionby the sénéchal and parlement to convoke the ban-et-arrière ban to securethe town against the threat of insurrection.As they had with Terride s48 Remonstrances faites aux capitouls sur les exces commis par les Protestants (31 January1562), ADHG, B 55, fo.174.49AMT, BB 269, fo.81 (4 February 1562).50Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.373 4.51[Bèze], Hist.eccl., III, p.8.120 CATHOLIC ACTIVISM IN SOUTH-WEST FRANCE, 1540 1570garrison troops, the capitouls objected vehemently to the presence of theban within the town, citing clauses within the civic charter that preventedarmed soldiers gathering within Toulouse without their consent.Theparlement, though, ignored these protests and, on 10 May, over twohundred armed Catholic nobles entered the town.52 But despite thisominous Catholic presence, and the continuing machinations of thesyndicate, it would be the Protestants who seized the initiative atToulouse.In the early hours of 13 May 1562, reformers erected barri-cades at strategic points in the town, overran the maison de ville, brokeinto the town arsenal and distributed arms and munitions to theirsupporters.53 The rebels were on the verge of gaining control of one of themajor citadels of the south-west of France, a coup that would enhanceProtestant military potential in the region enormously.The Catholic response says much about its capacity to rally and organ-ize various sections of society to a common objective.The parlement s firstreaction was to send for the leading Catholic captains of the region:Monluc, Terride, Negrepelisse and Bellegarde.While Monluc andBellegarde moved to intercept a Protestant relief army travelling south,Terride and Negrepelisse arrived at Toulouse the following day anddeployed their troops.54 Requests for help had also been dispatched toneighbouring Catholic nobles, and within twenty-four hours Toulousebrimmed with armed elite retinues.55 The Catholic counter-offensive wasnow directed from the parlement building by the premier président,Mansencal, and présidents Latomy and de Paulo.According to GeorgesBosquet and the Histoire ecclésiastique, this committee established anumber of ad hoc commissions to collect finances, to oversee the distribu-tion of arms and artillery, and to interrogate suspects.56 The town guardwas also reorganized to make it more effective.Firstly, the main body wasdivided into smaller sections to allow each unit to be deployed morerapidly, and to concentrate on more specific areas of the town.Sixty addi-tional Catholics were then levied to boost these numbers, with experienced52AMT, BB 104, fo.530.53ADHG, B 55, fos 414v 15; AMT, GG 824, fos 22 7.For details of the insurrection atToulouse in May 1562, see Emile Connac, Troubles de mai 1562 à Toulouse , Annales duMidi, 3 (1891), pp.310 39; Davies, Persecution and Protestantism , pp.31 51;Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.367 91.54BN nouv.acq.français, 6001, fos 136 7.Ironically, Terride and Negrepelisse had beenordered by the crown to secure Toulouse only five days earlier, but could not travel to thetown in time to prevent the insurrection.55Lafaille, Annales de la ville de Toulouse, II, pp.226 8.56Again, the Histoire ecclésiastique attributes this response to the Catholic syndicate,[Bèze], Hist.eccl., III, pp.20 40.Bosquet also alludes to this Catholic collective, but doesnot give it a formal title.See AMT, GG 1022 (15 May 1562).CONFRONTATION AND INSURRECTION AT TOULOUSE 121military veterans appointed as captains and sergeants to command eachsector of the town, thereby replacing the civilian officers who had led theguard in peacetime.Precise routes were devised for the patrols, with pass-words required for each checkpoint and barricade, and all Catholics of thetown were required to wear a white cross, sewn onto their garments toindicate their confession.Finally, strict regulations were drawn up by thecommittee to govern the conduct and discipline of the guard, with disobe-dience punishable by death.57The syndicate played a vital role here too [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.26.44Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.370 77; see also [Bèze], Hist.eccl.,I, p.911.45[Bèze], Hist.eccl., I, pp.824 5, 911.46Crouzet, Les guerriers de Dieu, I, pp.380 81.In fact, Crouzet saw the syndicate as amilestone in the evolution of Catholic activism at Toulouse, the first step in a progressionthrough ever-increasing levels of militant Catholicism that would culminate in the hege-mony of the Sainte Union after 1584.47For details of the debate, see ADHG, B 55, fo.178.CONFRONTATION AND INSURRECTION AT TOULOUSE 119Catholic militants four days earlier suggested that this bipartisanendeavour had been doomed from the start.48Needless to say the capitouls and moderate officials condemned thisdeception and blamed Catholic radicalism for the current state of confes-sional relations across the region.This argument foundered somewhattwo days later, though, when a report was presented before the parlementstating that several capitouls and much of the town guard had recentlybeen sighted attending an illegal prêche in a suburb of Toulouse.This notonly confirmed the militants suspicions, but it begged an important ques-tion for Catholics: could the capitouls be trusted to preside over thecontentious issue of validating sites of reformed worship jurisdictionhad only recently been taken out of the hands of the parlements and givento local councils by the edict of January 1562 if they and their familieswere regular attenders of these assemblies?49Sectarian tensions were now at breaking point.In April 1562, thecrown s carefully nurtured policy of conciliation and coexistence shat-tered at Toulouse.The first critical event occurred on 2 April, with theattempted appropriation of a corpse from a reformed burial service by aCatholic congregation, who wanted the body interred within the localCatholic cemetery.The confrontation soon became violent, with the townguard needed to separate the worshippers and restore order.The situationescalated during the evening, however, as several Protestants attempted toseize the Town Hall to express their grievances against Catholic intimida-tion.The authorities were only able to effect a truce by offering bothcommunities significant military concessions: perhaps not the best solu-tion for long-term stability, but for the current volatile situation it waseffective.As a result, Protestants were now allowed to maintain a secu-rity force of two hundred guards, though they were to remain unarmed,while Catholics were permitted a similar number, to be commanded byfour professional captains.50 Unfortunately, these concessions failed tosecure détente, as the four Catholic captains were unwilling to take ordersfrom the capitouls, and refused to allow their men to assist in council-sponsored searches of Catholic houses for hidden weapons.51By May 1562, the whole country was in the grip of sectarian conflict.At Toulouse, further contestation flared between the faiths at the decisionby the sénéchal and parlement to convoke the ban-et-arrière ban to securethe town against the threat of insurrection.As they had with Terride s48 Remonstrances faites aux capitouls sur les exces commis par les Protestants (31 January1562), ADHG, B 55, fo.174.49AMT, BB 269, fo.81 (4 February 1562).50Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.373 4.51[Bèze], Hist.eccl., III, p.8.120 CATHOLIC ACTIVISM IN SOUTH-WEST FRANCE, 1540 1570garrison troops, the capitouls objected vehemently to the presence of theban within the town, citing clauses within the civic charter that preventedarmed soldiers gathering within Toulouse without their consent.Theparlement, though, ignored these protests and, on 10 May, over twohundred armed Catholic nobles entered the town.52 But despite thisominous Catholic presence, and the continuing machinations of thesyndicate, it would be the Protestants who seized the initiative atToulouse.In the early hours of 13 May 1562, reformers erected barri-cades at strategic points in the town, overran the maison de ville, brokeinto the town arsenal and distributed arms and munitions to theirsupporters.53 The rebels were on the verge of gaining control of one of themajor citadels of the south-west of France, a coup that would enhanceProtestant military potential in the region enormously.The Catholic response says much about its capacity to rally and organ-ize various sections of society to a common objective.The parlement s firstreaction was to send for the leading Catholic captains of the region:Monluc, Terride, Negrepelisse and Bellegarde.While Monluc andBellegarde moved to intercept a Protestant relief army travelling south,Terride and Negrepelisse arrived at Toulouse the following day anddeployed their troops.54 Requests for help had also been dispatched toneighbouring Catholic nobles, and within twenty-four hours Toulousebrimmed with armed elite retinues.55 The Catholic counter-offensive wasnow directed from the parlement building by the premier président,Mansencal, and présidents Latomy and de Paulo.According to GeorgesBosquet and the Histoire ecclésiastique, this committee established anumber of ad hoc commissions to collect finances, to oversee the distribu-tion of arms and artillery, and to interrogate suspects.56 The town guardwas also reorganized to make it more effective.Firstly, the main body wasdivided into smaller sections to allow each unit to be deployed morerapidly, and to concentrate on more specific areas of the town.Sixty addi-tional Catholics were then levied to boost these numbers, with experienced52AMT, BB 104, fo.530.53ADHG, B 55, fos 414v 15; AMT, GG 824, fos 22 7.For details of the insurrection atToulouse in May 1562, see Emile Connac, Troubles de mai 1562 à Toulouse , Annales duMidi, 3 (1891), pp.310 39; Davies, Persecution and Protestantism , pp.31 51;Greengrass, The anatomy of a religious riot , pp.367 91.54BN nouv.acq.français, 6001, fos 136 7.Ironically, Terride and Negrepelisse had beenordered by the crown to secure Toulouse only five days earlier, but could not travel to thetown in time to prevent the insurrection.55Lafaille, Annales de la ville de Toulouse, II, pp.226 8.56Again, the Histoire ecclésiastique attributes this response to the Catholic syndicate,[Bèze], Hist.eccl., III, pp.20 40.Bosquet also alludes to this Catholic collective, but doesnot give it a formal title.See AMT, GG 1022 (15 May 1562).CONFRONTATION AND INSURRECTION AT TOULOUSE 121military veterans appointed as captains and sergeants to command eachsector of the town, thereby replacing the civilian officers who had led theguard in peacetime.Precise routes were devised for the patrols, with pass-words required for each checkpoint and barricade, and all Catholics of thetown were required to wear a white cross, sewn onto their garments toindicate their confession.Finally, strict regulations were drawn up by thecommittee to govern the conduct and discipline of the guard, with disobe-dience punishable by death.57The syndicate played a vital role here too [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]