[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.20.1 (PG 49.197).On the ineffectiveness of fasting without alms, cf.De stat.16.6 (PG 49.169–70).[105] De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[106] Hom.in Gen.2.1 (PG 53.27).[107] Hom.in Gen.4.1 (PG 53.40).[108] Hom.in Gen.9.1 (PG 53.76).[109] Hom.in Gen.25.1 (PG 53.218).Cf.Hom.in Mt.57.4 (PG 58.563).[110] Hom.in Gen.2.2 (PG 53.27–8).[111] Hom.in Gen.10.2 (PG 53.83–4); De poen.5.4 (PG 49.312).[112] De stat.9.1 (PG 49.104).Cf.Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.81–2).[113] De stat.9.1 (PG 49.103–4).[114] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82).Cf.Hom.in Gen.8.6 (PG 53.74–5).[115] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82).[116] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82–3).People assumed that fasting was enough for their salvation, but they needed to give alms also: Hom.in Mt.46.4 (PG 58.480–1).[117] For dread at beginning of Lent: Hom.in Gen.1.1 (PG 53.21); rejoicing at end of Lent: De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[118] De poen.5.5 (PG 49.314).[119] Cateches.5.15 (SC 50.208).[120] Hom.in Gen.1.1 (PG 53.21).[121] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).[122] Adv.Jud.4.3 (PG 48.875).[123] On Jewish sympathizers or “God-fearers,” see above, chapter 3, n.95.On Jewish influence on Christian prayers and grave inscription formulae: Simon, Verus Israel, 307–8.[124] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.857).[125] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.858).[126] Adv.Jud.4.1 (PG 48.873).[127] Adv.Jud.4.3 (PG 48.874).[128] Adv.Jud.3.1 and 3.5–6 (PG 48.861 and 868–72).Christians who celebrated Easter according to the Jewish calendar considered it a minor matter: Hom.in Gen.12.1 (PG 53.98).[129] Theodoret narrates a story about a monk living near Antioch who celebrated Easter on the wrong date, but dutifully changed his practices when the bishop informed him of the latest developments of orthodoxy, HR 3.17 (SC 234.278–80).[130] On the constant nature of Christian worship: Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).Cf.the discussion of Chrysostom’s objections to New Year’s celebrations in chapter 6.[131] Chrysostom acknowledged that Christ had celebrated Passover according to the Jewish calendar, Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.866).Christians used the argument that they had been fasting in this way for many years and did not want to change: ibid., 3.6 (PG 48.869).[132] Adv.Jud.3.3 (PG 48.864–6).[133] Adv.Jud.3.3–4 (PG 48.866–7).The Church did not consider the exact observance of dates to be important: Adv.Jud.3.6 (PG 48.871–2).Some Christians wished to calculate more carefully the exact date of Jesus’ crucifixion.Chrysostom responded that this calculation was too complicated to figure out, but more importantly, the exact time simply did not matter.Even the Jews, he pointed out, although they observed many precise rules in their worship, had no great concern about the exact time of their holidays, Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[134] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).The Lenten fast may have been a recommendation not obligation at this time, see T.Finn, The Liturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal Instructions of St.John Chrysostom (Washington, DC, 1967) 48.The first references to a forty-day fast before Easter are after the Council of Nicaea, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, 183.[135] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).[136] Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[137] On the process of Christianization as a dialogue preserved in sermons, at least in part, see E.Rebillard, “Interaction between the Preacher and his Audience: The Case-Study of Augustine’s Preaching on Death,” Studia Patristica 31 (1997) 86–96.Cf.P.Brown’s discussion of the problems with viewing Late Antiquity in terms of a two-tiered model of “high” and “low” religion: Cult of the Saints, 1–22.In favor of the two-tiered model, see R.MacMullen, “Distrust of the Mind in the Fourth Century” in Changes in the Roman Empire: Essays in the Ordinary (Princeton, 1990), esp.126–9.Chapter 6 Habits and the Christianization of daily lifeNo sin was too small for Chrysostom to notice and then rebuke, but his ideal was not for all Christians to become ascetics.He insisted that people could live in the city, with jobs and families, and lead perfectly acceptable Christian lives.In order to do this, however, catechumens and baptized Christians required a great deal of instruction before they could sort out the non-Christian and/or sinful habits from their daily lives.Because of the difference between Chrysostom’s view of the world and that of the majority of his congregation, there was no basis of common sense or inherited values that could assume the burden of coordinating the laity’s reality with the clergy’s expectations.Even though a gap between ideals and practice is present in any society, in the late fourth century innumerable behaviors reflected ancient traditions while ambitious church leaders aimed to change them as thoroughly as possible.Chrysostom knew what he was up against when he took on what he called the “tyranny of ancient custom.”[1] He knew that the unconscious repetition of actions and thoughts ingrained into daily activities was a powerful force to reckon with, especially when it involved religion: “When the custom is related to doctrines, it becomes even more established.For one would change anything more willingly than matters of religion.”[2] Chrysostom was also aware that this had always been a difficult problem.In the time of the apostles, the old religion had custom on its side, while the novelty of Christianity could only have been an obstacle.[3] The power of custom had held sway over the Jews who had longed for Egypt after their escape because they had been accustomed to it.Likewise, Plato, although he did not believe in the gods, still took part in their rituals, while Socrates had lost his life because of new beliefs and practices.[4] Older practices clearly had a natural advantage [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.20.1 (PG 49.197).On the ineffectiveness of fasting without alms, cf.De stat.16.6 (PG 49.169–70).[105] De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[106] Hom.in Gen.2.1 (PG 53.27).[107] Hom.in Gen.4.1 (PG 53.40).[108] Hom.in Gen.9.1 (PG 53.76).[109] Hom.in Gen.25.1 (PG 53.218).Cf.Hom.in Mt.57.4 (PG 58.563).[110] Hom.in Gen.2.2 (PG 53.27–8).[111] Hom.in Gen.10.2 (PG 53.83–4); De poen.5.4 (PG 49.312).[112] De stat.9.1 (PG 49.104).Cf.Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.81–2).[113] De stat.9.1 (PG 49.103–4).[114] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82).Cf.Hom.in Gen.8.6 (PG 53.74–5).[115] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82).[116] Hom.in Gen.10.1 (PG 53.82–3).People assumed that fasting was enough for their salvation, but they needed to give alms also: Hom.in Mt.46.4 (PG 58.480–1).[117] For dread at beginning of Lent: Hom.in Gen.1.1 (PG 53.21); rejoicing at end of Lent: De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[118] De poen.5.5 (PG 49.314).[119] Cateches.5.15 (SC 50.208).[120] Hom.in Gen.1.1 (PG 53.21).[121] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).[122] Adv.Jud.4.3 (PG 48.875).[123] On Jewish sympathizers or “God-fearers,” see above, chapter 3, n.95.On Jewish influence on Christian prayers and grave inscription formulae: Simon, Verus Israel, 307–8.[124] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.857).[125] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.858).[126] Adv.Jud.4.1 (PG 48.873).[127] Adv.Jud.4.3 (PG 48.874).[128] Adv.Jud.3.1 and 3.5–6 (PG 48.861 and 868–72).Christians who celebrated Easter according to the Jewish calendar considered it a minor matter: Hom.in Gen.12.1 (PG 53.98).[129] Theodoret narrates a story about a monk living near Antioch who celebrated Easter on the wrong date, but dutifully changed his practices when the bishop informed him of the latest developments of orthodoxy, HR 3.17 (SC 234.278–80).[130] On the constant nature of Christian worship: Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).Cf.the discussion of Chrysostom’s objections to New Year’s celebrations in chapter 6.[131] Chrysostom acknowledged that Christ had celebrated Passover according to the Jewish calendar, Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.866).Christians used the argument that they had been fasting in this way for many years and did not want to change: ibid., 3.6 (PG 48.869).[132] Adv.Jud.3.3 (PG 48.864–6).[133] Adv.Jud.3.3–4 (PG 48.866–7).The Church did not consider the exact observance of dates to be important: Adv.Jud.3.6 (PG 48.871–2).Some Christians wished to calculate more carefully the exact date of Jesus’ crucifixion.Chrysostom responded that this calculation was too complicated to figure out, but more importantly, the exact time simply did not matter.Even the Jews, he pointed out, although they observed many precise rules in their worship, had no great concern about the exact time of their holidays, Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[134] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).The Lenten fast may have been a recommendation not obligation at this time, see T.Finn, The Liturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal Instructions of St.John Chrysostom (Washington, DC, 1967) 48.The first references to a forty-day fast before Easter are after the Council of Nicaea, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, 183.[135] Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).[136] Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[137] On the process of Christianization as a dialogue preserved in sermons, at least in part, see E.Rebillard, “Interaction between the Preacher and his Audience: The Case-Study of Augustine’s Preaching on Death,” Studia Patristica 31 (1997) 86–96.Cf.P.Brown’s discussion of the problems with viewing Late Antiquity in terms of a two-tiered model of “high” and “low” religion: Cult of the Saints, 1–22.In favor of the two-tiered model, see R.MacMullen, “Distrust of the Mind in the Fourth Century” in Changes in the Roman Empire: Essays in the Ordinary (Princeton, 1990), esp.126–9.Chapter 6 Habits and the Christianization of daily lifeNo sin was too small for Chrysostom to notice and then rebuke, but his ideal was not for all Christians to become ascetics.He insisted that people could live in the city, with jobs and families, and lead perfectly acceptable Christian lives.In order to do this, however, catechumens and baptized Christians required a great deal of instruction before they could sort out the non-Christian and/or sinful habits from their daily lives.Because of the difference between Chrysostom’s view of the world and that of the majority of his congregation, there was no basis of common sense or inherited values that could assume the burden of coordinating the laity’s reality with the clergy’s expectations.Even though a gap between ideals and practice is present in any society, in the late fourth century innumerable behaviors reflected ancient traditions while ambitious church leaders aimed to change them as thoroughly as possible.Chrysostom knew what he was up against when he took on what he called the “tyranny of ancient custom.”[1] He knew that the unconscious repetition of actions and thoughts ingrained into daily activities was a powerful force to reckon with, especially when it involved religion: “When the custom is related to doctrines, it becomes even more established.For one would change anything more willingly than matters of religion.”[2] Chrysostom was also aware that this had always been a difficult problem.In the time of the apostles, the old religion had custom on its side, while the novelty of Christianity could only have been an obstacle.[3] The power of custom had held sway over the Jews who had longed for Egypt after their escape because they had been accustomed to it.Likewise, Plato, although he did not believe in the gods, still took part in their rituals, while Socrates had lost his life because of new beliefs and practices.[4] Older practices clearly had a natural advantage [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]